Changing of the Guard

ICE Director John Morton Resigns

Monday morning, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Director John Morton announced his resignation. In four years at the helm, Morton has overseen record-high deportation levels.

He has also been at the center of the Obama administration’s signature enforcement strategy: prioritizing the deportation of undocumented immigrants with criminal records. Secretary of Homeland Security Janet Napolitano praised Morton’s leadership in a statement Monday, emphasizing that on his watch a far greater share of deportees have criminal records (55% last year, up from 38% in 2009).

Immigrant rights advocates, however, have long accused the Obama administration of “juking the stats” to present a distorted picture of who is actually being deported. Administration officials, including the president himself, often invoke national security and public safety as their primary objectives in immigration enforcement. They imply a link between deporting criminals and keeping the United States safe. It would be reasonable to assume that when President Obama or Secretary Napolitano say “criminal” in this context, they mean dangerous or violent criminals. During a presidential debate last October, President Obama asserted that enforcement should be focused on “gangbangers,” rather than hard-working community members. According to ICE’s own records, Morton’s legacy includes no such focus. Reporting on Morton’s exit for ABC/Univision, Ted Hesson noted that in 2011, 69% of those deported had either a misdemeanor conviction or no criminal record at all.

Morton also issued a prominent June 2011 memo directing ICE attorneys to use their discretion to close deportation proceedings against non-criminal immigrants who pose no threat to national security or public safety. Though the Obama administration trumpets prosecutorial discretion as evidence of its compassionate, common sense approach to immigration enforcement, its implementation has proved to be an abject failure, here in Western North Carolina and across the country.

Last summer, an internal Department of Homeland Security (DHS) review revealed that prosecutorial discretion had been used in only 1.5% of cases. The initiative has been undermined by ICE quotas calling for record-setting deportation levels each year. Internal e-mails obtained last year by the North Carolina ACLU showed that national ICE officials had surreptitiously advised regional offices on how to game the system to keep deportation numbers high. High deportation targets have also led to unprecedented damage to immigrant families, as ICE deported over 200,000 parents of U.S. citizen children between June 2010 and September 2012.

Prosecutorial discretion has also proved to be a false promise in local cases. Buncombe County resident Audencio Aguilar Diaz, a victim of over $10,000 in wage theft whose 3-year-old daughter is a U.S. citizen, has no criminal record and has received broad public support. Still, ICE attorneys in Charlotte have repeatedly refused to close his case. Diaz’s former co-worker, Flor Funes, was initially denied prosecutorial discretion as well, until an 11^th-hour press conference outside Senator Kay Hagan’s downtown Asheville office brought widespread attention to her case.

John Morton’s tenure as ICE Director draws to a close as undocumented immigrants in Western North Carolina and across the U.S. continue to organize against the harsh, punitive enforcement regime he helped to build. The struggle continues locally, as communities contest deportations on a case-by-case basis, and nationally, as undocumented immigrants and allies fight for a just reform of U.S. immigration law.

Debating the "Reclaim NC" Act

This morning before the NC House Finance Committee, advocates from across the ideological spectrum continued the contentious debate over NC House Bill 786, which would grant limited driver's permits to some undocumented immigrants while aggressively increasing immigration enforcement.

Prominent immigrant rights groups and progressive advocacy organizations continue to approach the Reclaim NC Act from divergent perspectives. The NC Justice Center, COLA (Coalición de Organizaciones Latino-Americanas), and the ACLU denounce "Reclaim NC" as an Arizona-style bill for its enforcement provisions:

Meanwhile, the NC Dream Team and Charlotte-based Jesus Ministry support the measure, maintaining that access to driver's permits represent a vital improvement from the status quo. You can find a live-tweet summary of this morning's hearing, as well as a variety of community responses, here.

Changing the Conversation

Why Undocumented Voices Speak More Powerfully than U.S. Citizen Allies

President Obama will arrive in Asheville tomorrow to deliver the first in a series of speeches promoting his State of the Union agenda. While his address may touch on Washington's current debate over immigration reform, it will offer nothing for local residents who continue to fight his administration's aggressive deportation policies. In a meeting with immigrant rights advocates last week, the president bluntly refused to take any new steps to slow the record-breaking removal pace set by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) on his watch. He indicated that deportations will continue unabated as Congress works toward reform legislation.

Even as reform efforts gather national momentum, ICE continues to target individuals like Asheville resident Flor Funes for deportation. Obama administration guidelines that define Flor’s case as “low-priority” did not slow the agency’s zeal to remove her from the country. Ultimately, ICE relented, cancelling Flor’s deportation with only a day to spare, but only after a groundswell of community outrage over family separations, precipitated at least in part by an eleventh hour press conference in front of Senator Kay Hagan’s downtown Asheville office. Flor’s case is the latest example of a broader trend: undocumented residents that speak up when told to remain silent and demand justice in the face of arbitrary criminalization have begun to succeed with increasing frequency.

Over the past few months, with migration creeping toward the center of national political debates, a few well-intentioned U.S. citizens have asked me, What can I do to help? I generally respond by suggesting that the questioner do their best to support the work already being done by undocumented communities here in Western North Carolina. I have been surprised on more than one occasion, however, to see this suggestion brushed quickly aside. Congress won’t listen to them, I am told, but they’ll listen to us because we can vote! 

I understand the logic behind this assumption, largely because I have fallen prey to it myself. Less than two years ago, my infant daughter's Social Security card arrived in the mail. In one respect, it was a beautiful sight, an invitation to pursue bigger dreams than had been available to any previous generation in her family tree. Yet at the same time, it felt horribly twisted, marking her as more worthwhile in the eyes of the law than the many brave undocumented young people I have been fortunate to meet since moving to Asheville. In describing that moment to a friend shortly thereafter, I paraphrased Spider-Man. Embarrassingly, in retrospect, it appears I believed the privileges of citizenship to be similar in kind to powers that might be gained from a radioactive spider bite.

A great many privileges do indeed accompany U.S. citizenship. However, by equating those privileges with power, I missed the point by a wide margin. This perspective, which I now observe in many fellow citizens who consider themselves allies to the immigrant rights movement, enabled me to believe I possessed a greater capacity than my undocumented neighbors to achieve positive change. Such a belief is clearly littered with ethical shortcomings, but I have also come to recognize a major strategic flaw: it simply isn't true.

More than individual voter concerns, even in large numbers, lawmakers respond to compelling stories that hold the potential to capture the public imagination.

Flor Funes embodies this phenomenon here in Western North Carolina. She cannot vote, due to her undocumented status, nor can many of the supporters cited in local media coverage of her case. Nevertheless, not only did Flor win relief from deportation, but the boldness with which she spoke out earned her a platform more powerful than a single vote: the listening ears of a region struggling to make sense of migration policy. As Congressional hearings opened last week, for instance, WLOS-13 News did not cover the opinion of local advocates, allies, or even public officials. Instead, they sought out Flor’s own words, asking her to speak with the insight that comes only through experience.

English-language media tends to cover immigration primarily through the lens of Washington policy debates. Reform legislation is unquestionably important, but a narrow focus on national politics enables many U.S. citizens to underestimate the urgency with which their undocumented neighbors continue to wage a daily local struggle. Meanwhile, each week’s headlines in Spanish-language newspapers track local efforts to stop deportations and stand up to unjust treatment from local, state, and national elected officials. Many citizens continue to ask, What can I do to help? There is no easy answer in the face of such complex challenges, but a good first step is to educate yourself on the efforts already underway as undocumented communities here in Western North Carolina stand up for themselves.

I will do my best to offer support such education. Keep an eye on this blog’s Community News page for up-to-date information on local campaigns to stop deportations, push back against racial profiling, and restore access to driver’s licenses for undocumented youth.

Additional Resources (c/o Loida Ginocchio-Silva)

• Coloradans for Immigrant Rights: "Citizenship Privilege"

• NC DREAM Team: "Documented and Afraid"

• DREAMers Adrift: "The Ally Code of Conduct"

A New Direction

NCGA Select Committee Backs Down: Where Do We Go From Here?

We have several other states that I think moved out ahead of their blockers, and probably created as many or more problems than they theoretically fixed, and we can learn from that.

–NC House Speaker Thom Tillis, R-Cornelius

Given what happened in the national election and the importance of the Latino vote, there are new cautions in doing anything really radical… This is a pretty reactionary state House and Senate but I still think they see where the bread is buttered nationally.

–Peter Siavelis, Director, Wake Forest University Latin American and Latino Studies Program

North Carolina Republicans’ resounding victories this November, coupled with state GOP lawmakers’ previously expressed desire to pursue harsh anti-immigrant legislation, led many advocates to expect the worst. The state House Select Committee on the State’s Role in Immigration Policy convened last week to issue its recommendations, and several committee members had implied in previous statements that they would seize the opportunity to push an Arizona-style "show-me-your-papers" law. Instead, when co-chair Frank Iler opened by announcing that his committee would recommend no specific legislation, murmurs of surprise arose throughout the packed conference room. The meeting concluded after only five minutes, and the Select Committee report, subsequently made available to the public, offered only these vague, general recommendations for the 2013-14 state legislative session:

• Continue “to review and revise previously introduced” bills.

• Pass resolutions calling on the federal government to enforce border security and delegate wider enforcement authority to individual states.

• Reach out to “entities with economic interest in the issues, such as leaders in the fields of agriculture and agribusiness, construction, hospitality, information technology, and science.”

• Renew “focus on economic development potential… through pragmatic approaches to immigration in this State.”

This turn of events stands in stark contrast to all previous Select Committee meetings, which convened with a far more combative tone. In its very first hearing last December, Iler and company invited Alamance County Sheriff Terry Johnson, whose office was under federal investigation for systematic mistreatment of Latina/o residents, to testify on the federal-local immigration enforcement partnership know as 287(g) (USDOJ has since issued a damning report against Johnson and his department suspended their participation in the 287(g) program).

After witnessing hate-filled, misleading testimony from Johnson and other demagogues, undocumented youth chose to speak publicly and provocatively at the committee’s February hearing:

The video above (taken by Josh Davis, the filmmaker behind The Undocumentary) captures bystanders jeering as Estephania Mijangos, Cynthia Martinez, and Uriel Alberto are ushered out of the committee hearing by General Assembly police. Over and over, onlookers hurl incredulous shouts of “Go home!” at these longtime North Carolina residents who refuse to accept such contemptuous treatment. Ten months later, proud and defiant undocumented voices continue echo throughout North Carolina, while anti-immigrant lobbyists are left to redirect their vitriol toward the lawmakers retreating from their cause.

Still, undocumented youth remain far from celebratory. “North Carolina’s Republican leadership has made an intelligent analysis and appears to be approaching the matter with care,” the NC DREAM Team wrote on its blog, before pivoting quickly to remind readers that the status quo for immigrant workers and families in our state remains incredibly difficult. “However, our state’s leadership remains far from opening its arms to recognize the contributions undocumented immigrants bring to North Carolina.” The DREAM Team highlighted three particularly daunting challenges:

• Out-of-state tuition rates keep higher education out of reach for many undocumented students;

• A statewide ban remains in place on driver’s licenses for undocumented residents;

• Harsh, destabilizing workplace enforcement continues, as seen in mass arrests of migrant workers without criminal records (despite ICE’s official designation of such cases as “low priority” for deportation) as well as new E-Verify requirements passed into law last year.

While many advocates responded with relief to the news that the NCGA will not prioritize Arizona-style anti-immigrant legislation, the DREAM Team rightly points out that we continue to face a status quo in North Carolina that is hostile to migrant families. Energy that might have been invested in fighting new statewide enforcement laws will need to be directed elsewhere, to equally pressing concerns. At the moment, there seem to be two major fronts in this struggle, one much farther from home than Raleigh and one far closer.

In Washington DC, speculation has run rampant since last month’s election that immigration reform will be among the first priorities for the U.S. Congress in its coming session. Last Friday, the Los Angeles Times reported in some detail on the Obama administration’s planned January push for a comprehensive immigration reform bill. While many lawmakers from both parties remain optimistic that some form of legislation will be enacted in the coming year, the nature of that legislation is far from clear. With so much up in the air, public pressure may yet play an enormous role in determining the final shape of reform.

While far-reaching reform proposals are debated in Washington, however, the mundane details of life continue unabated here at home. As important as broad policy debate remains in the long-term, many advocates and would-be allies are less cognizant of more immediate crises unfolding daily within our own communities. State and local headlines from the past two weeks provide snapshots of the challenges facing North Carolina, as well as the often surprising success with which migrant communities are fighting back:

• Two years ago, Sparta resident Felipe Montes was deported and his two children, both U.S. citizens, were placed in foster care after Alleghany County child welfare officials refused to send Montes’ sons to live with him in Mexico. After a lengthy court battle, District Court Judge Michael Duncan awarded Montes custody of his children two weeks ago. On Wednesday, the Immigration Policy Center published a great guide to recent research that illustrates how common this type of family separation remains.

• Earlier this year in Burlington, single mother Lorena Yañez-Mata found herself facing deportation proceedings as well as criminal prosecution for “obtaining property under false pretenses” after a local Time Warner Cable employee reported her to local law enforcement when she attempted to purchase cable service for her home. This week, Yañez-Mata and supporters rallied to demand relief, catching the eye of local media (see video below). Within a day, she scored two very public victories: Time Warner Cable dropped charges and an immigration judge closed her deportation case.

• Here in Western North Carolina, public campaigns to fight deportation proceedings have been picking up steam over the past few weeks in two separate cases:
• Family and friends rallied last week in front of Senator Kay Hagan’s downtown Asheville office to call on the Senator to support relief for 23-year-old Francisco Hernandez of Marion, whose case stands at odds with the enforcement priorities repeatedly championed by President Obama and his administration.
• November 29 marked the one-year anniversary of a workplace raid by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents at Shogun Buffet and Hibachi Grill on Brevard Road in Asheville. ICE detained twelve restaurant employees that morning, several of whom continue to fight deportation proceedings a year later. Five of these workers filed a lawsuit on the anniversary of the raid, seeking $70,000 in unpaid wages from their former employer [full disclosure: through my involvement in Defensa Comunitaria, I have supported several of these workers throughout the past year as they have sought to fight deportation and tell their stories publicly].

Immigration policy faces an uncertain future with new legislative sessions set to begin next month in Raleigh and Washington, D.C. In the coming weeks, WNC Migration Review will continue to explore the possibility of national reform as well as the challenges facing local immigrant communities in the absence of federal action.

Work, School, and Traffic Stops: Part III

The Past and Future of Local Immigration Enforcement in North Carolina

The NC House Select Committee on the State’s Role in Immigration Policy will convene next Thursday, December 6, to discuss recommendation to the General Assembly on how to proceed with state-level immigration laws during the 2013-14 legislative session. Thus far, the Select Committee’s chairmen have been unwilling to discuss those recommendations publicly. However, during the current two-year session, state lawmakers (including one Select Committee member) have filed two immigration-related law enforcement bills. Both languished in committee, with the full General Assembly never taking action on either. Nevertheless, in the absence of any statements from Raleigh, these proposals provide the clearest available picture into North Carolina lawmakers’ preferred approach to migration.

• House Bill 343 (Support Law Enforcement/Safe Neighborhoods Act): Stalled in House Judiciary Subcommittee Since March 15, 2011
• Senate Bill 604 (NC Illegal Immigration Enforcement Act): Stalled in Senate Rules/Operations Committee Since April 19, 2011

The House and Senate proposals each rest on the same prescription for local law enforcement: more aggressive targeting of undocumented immigrants and anyone inclined to provide them any assistance. Select Committee member George Cleveland, one of migrants’ most outspoken antagonists in the General Assembly, served as a sponsor of the House version (in addition to three of the other bills discussed in previous posts), which borrows its official title as well as most of its provisions from Arizona’s controversial enforcement measure. Among other changes to existing state law, these two bills propose requiring local law enforcement to determine the immigration status of anyone they have “reasonable suspicion” may be present in the United States without authorization. This establishes the same standard currently in effect in Arizona, where community members have begun rigorous documentation of racial profiling incidents in hopes of another Supreme Court challenge. This standard would apply to anyone stopped for any reason, including minor traffic violations. The measures also criminalize the act of “transporting, moving, concealing, harboring, or shielding” undocumented immigrants. Similar provisions in other states have drawn outcries from clergy, among others, who maintain that such laws criminalize faith communities’ efforts to minister to their communities. In addition, each bill empowers NC residents to sue city or county officials they deem to be insufficiently zealous in enforcing immigration law.

Despite chastening national results for the GOP, this month’s election was wildly successful for North Carolina’s Republican Party. In addition to regaining of the Governor’s Mansion, Republicans expanded their majorities in both houses of the General Assembly and maintained control of the State Supreme Court. In nine days, when the House Select Committee gathers to discuss an immigration plan for the coming two years, the consequences of one-party control and the challenges awaiting North Carolina’s immigrant communities may begin to come into focus.

Additional Resources

• This weekend, the Los Angeles Times published an article examining tension in North Carolina’s Alamance County, where the U.S. Department of Justice has accused Sheriff Terry Johnson of systematically mistreating Latina/o residents.
• The National Immigration Law Center published a report in August detailing the accounts of a few of the 6,000 Alabama residents who had called the Southern Poverty Law Center’s legal hotline in the first few months after the state’s HB56 went into effect.
• In January, Samuel Addy, Director of the Center for Business and Economic Research at the University of Alabama, published a cost-benefit analysis of his state’s toughest-in-the-nation immigration enforcement law. Among other conclusions, he found that Alabama could expect to lose 70,000 – 140,000 jobs and between $75 million and $350 million in state and local tax revenue.

Work, School, and Traffic Stops: Part II

Education at the North Carolina General Assembly

I find it revolting that an American thinks that we should financially support people that cannot legally work in this country through taxpayer subsidized education… If you feel so strongly about this issue find an illegal and pay for their education at a private university.

–NC Rep. George Cleveland (R-Jacksonville)

The bigots and poultry companies have lobbyists and we don’t, so we will walk the halls of the legislature ourselves when we have to.

–Domenic Powell, NC Dream Team

Around the United States, lawmakers have turned to public education in recent years as a proxy to fight policy battles over immigration. In line with this trend, the North Carolina General Assembly debated two bills during its most recent session designed to restrict undocumented children’s access to public education. Immigrant youth across the state spoke out against each, with many publicly declaring their undocumented status and refusing to be intimidated by state legislators. Ultimately, one bill passed only after its most restrictive component was removed, while the other was abandoned altogether. The debate over these two measures holds valuable lessons for those seeking to understand the values at play in public debates over the recent wave of state anti-immigrant laws.

• House Bill 11 (No Postsecondary Education/Illegal Aliens): Stalled in House Education Committee

In early 2011, Rep. George Cleveland filed HB11, a measure that would bar undocumented North Carolina residents from enrolling in the state’s community colleges and public universities. Under current state law, undocumented students are eligible to take classes at such institutions, but they must pay out-of-state tuition (no matter how long they have lived in North Carolina) and may only register after all their U.S. citizen peers have done so.

Cleveland’s inflammatory statements helped to galvanize public opposition to his bill. Within a week, undocumented students and allies gathered at the Vance Monument in downtown Asheville to voice their dismay (see video above, courtesy of the Mountain Xpress). I asked NC House Education Committee co-chair Bryan Holloway (R-King) about the bill shortly thereafter, and he downplayed its significance, assuring me that House Republican leadership did not view it as a priority. For several weeks, students and allies in Asheville and elsewhere continued to publicize the bill and its potentially damaging consequences. Ultimately, Holloway and his co-chair, James Langdon (R-Angier), chose not bring HB11 before the Education Committee for consideration.

• House Bill 744 (Safe Students Act): Passed (Amended Version)

In 1982, the U.S. Supreme Court’s Plyler v. Doe decision established that all U.S. residents, irrespective of national origin or immigration status, have a right to primary and secondary education. Nevertheless, state lawmakers across the nation continue to propose laws aimed at denying this right. In May 2011, NC Rep. Dale Folwell (R-Winston-Salem) introduced one such bill, HB744, which sought to compel public school principals to inquire about the citizenship or immigration status of all new students. Folwell’s proposal came less than a month after the U.S. Departments of Justice and Education issued a memo reminding lawmakers and school boards across the country that asking families about immigration status is against federal law. As has often been the case with such patently unconstitutional measures, Folwell maintained that HB744’s goal was research-oriented. It aimed to determine the cost to taxpayers of undocumented students’ public education, he claimed, not to exclude such students from the classroom altogether. This same reasoning, however, has been used often in other states to justify laws with clear discriminatory effects.

Alabama’s stringent immigration law provides the most recent example. Enacted at roughly the same time the NCGA took up HB744, it contains a strikingly similar provision requiring public schools to report the admission of undocumented students to the state government. When the law took effect last fall, Alabama school districts reported massive, extended absences among Latino students, as parents pulled their children out of school rather than risk exposing their families to potential deportation. The Federal District Court subsequently struck down this provision, and the current school year began with a much higher attendance rate among the state’s Latino students. Alabama continues to wage a court battle seeking the provision’s reinstatement, however, and the bill’s author has spoken very candidly of his ambition for the provision: to provide the template for an eventual Supreme Court challenge, in hopes that the current court will overturn Plyler v. Doe and allow states to deny primary and secondary education to undocumented residents.

Shortly after Folwell filed HB744, the North Carolina Dream Team, an organization composed of undocumented youth from around the state, responded with outrage. Hours before the House Education Committee convened to discuss the bill, the Dream Team issued a press release accusing legislators of “telling undocumented immigrants working and living in our state that they are good enough to pick its residents’ food, but not good enough to sit next to them in class.” Several Dream Team members spoke at the committee hearing, declaring their own undocumented status and noting that they felt attacked by the bill, which they saw as a tool to intimidate and exclude students like themselves.

Rep. Folwell’s anger at the students boiled over in a post-hearing interview. Referring to one outspoken Dream Team member, he fumed: “We just spent $100,000 on that girl’s education and she stood up and said she is illegal. That is the arrogance that we are dealing with – the entitlement.” Shortly thereafter, Folwell confronted another Dream Team member, José Rico Benavides, face to face in the halls of the General Assembly building, angrily claiming that the young man didn’t “have the balls to call me a coward to my face.” Reflecting on the experience this week, Rico Benavides recalled being shocked by Folwell’s behavior, telling me “someone who has that in their heart should not be… in a position with power.”

Ultimately, before sending Folwell’s bill to the full House for a floor vote, the Education Committee removed the provision requiring principals to inquire about immigration status. As the Raleigh News and Observer noted, Folwell’s aggressive anti-immigrant posturing contributed to the forceful blowback that undoubtedly played a role in lawmakers’ decision to scuttle the provision.

You can find WNC Migration Review’s discussion of recent NCGA employment and identification bills in this post, and stay tuned for analysis of recently proposed law enforcement measures.

Work, School, and Traffic Stops: Part I

Two Years of Migration Debates at the North Carolina General Assembly

One week after the coming election, the NC House Select Committee on the State’s Role in Immigration Policy will convene to discuss its recommendation to the full North Carolina General Assembly (NCGA) on how to proceed with immigration policy (see this post for background on demographic change and the growth of anti-immigrant politics in North Carolina, including the Select Committee). For all the NCGA’s hostility toward migrants, it has succeeded only once over the past two years in passing into law a bill that explicitly targets undocumented residents. However, several other bills have received extensive debate in Raleigh, and together they paint a picture of the type of legislation that many Select Committee members likely hope to recommend. The immigration-related bills debated during this NCGA session fall generally into four categories: employment, identification, law enforcement, and education.

Employment

House Bill 36 (Employers and Local Government Must Use E-Verify): Passed

House Bill 36 was the only employment-related immigration bill seriously debated during this NCGA session. It also became the only bill aimed at migrants to pass both houses and be signed into law by Democratic Governor Bev Perdue. The law (which, notably, at the urging of North Carolina agribusinesses, exempts seasonal or temporary employees) requires all public agencies and private businesses with 25 or more employees to use the federal E-Verify program to confirm their employees’ citizenship or immigration status.

Identification

·      House Bill 351 (Restore Confidence in Government): Passed Both House, Vetoed by Gov. Perdue

The “Restore Confidence in Government” Act, which would have required all North Carolinians to show photo ID before being permitted to vote, was part of a nationwide trend among Republican-controlled state legislatures inveighing against voter fraud. While the bill did not explicitly address immigration, lawmakers who favor such legislation have suggested that without ID laws, we risk allowing non-citizens to fraudulently participate in U.S. elections. The Immigration Policy Center recently released an excellent roundup of studies that debunk this claim. Federal courts have blocked many of the strict voter ID measures that have passed in other states, finding that they violate the 1965 Voting Rights Act by restricting access to the voting booth for people of color (who are also far more likely to vote for Democrats, a trend which has certainly not escaped the attention of the GOP lawmakers pushing for voter ID laws). Speaking earlier this month in Asheville, Governor Beverly Perdue defended her decision to veto House Bill 351, referring to it as a “voter suppression” measure that would have effectively disenfranchised more than 1 million eligible voters across North Carolina. In contrast, NC House Speaker Thom Tillis met with anti-immigration activists in June to discuss the future of voter ID measures in North Carolina. Later in the summer, he promised that if Republicans remain in power in Raleigh, “we will have voter ID in North Carolina.”

House Bill 33 (Consular Documents Not Acceptable as ID): Passed House, Not Considered by Senate

House Bill 33, which would have barred all NC municipalities from accepting consular documents as valid identification, was co-sponsored by both Frank Iler and Harry Warren, who now serve as co-chairs of the House Select Committee on immigration. The bill was never taken up by the NC Senate and will not become law. However, when considered together with legislation passed in recent years that blocks undocumented North Carolinians from renewing their driver’s licenses, this bill reflects a desire among many NC lawmakers to make it as difficult as possible for undocumented immigrants to legally identify themselves, which substantially increases the risk that any encounter with law enforcement can lead to arrest and subsequent deportation.

Stay tuned for WNC Migration Review's analysis of education- and law enforcement-related bills from this session of the North Carolina General Assembly.